nistry, intent upon vindicating the prerogative from such an unmannerly attack, filled up the omissions of the committee, and sent it back with this alteration: "and your majesty, ever at"tentive to the ease and happiness of your faithful subjects, has "been graciously pleased to signify that you would consent, to "recommend it to us, that so much of the money remaining in your majesty's treasury, as should be necessary, be applied to "the discharge of the national debt, or such part thereof, as "should be thought expedient by parliament." This, then being the crisis, which was to determine a constitutional point of such importance, namely, whether the people in parliament assembled, had a right to deliberate upon, and vote the application of any part of the unappropriated revenue, without the previous consent of the crown; those who were the most zealously attached to the liberties of their country resolved to exert themselves in opposing what they conceived to be a violation of their liberties; and the bill, with alterations, was rejected by a majority of five voices. The success of their endeavours was celebrated with the most extravagant rejoicings, as a triumph of patriotism over the arts of ministerial corruption, and on the other hand, all the servants of the crown, who had joined the popular cry, on this occasion, were in a little time dismissed from their employments. The rejection of the bill was a great disappointment to the creditors of the public, and the circulation of cash was almost stagnated. In this contest for constitutional rights, the Earl of Kildare was prominently conspicuous: he as well as the most considerable men of fortune in Ireland, that were not under some special tie or obligation to government, sided with the patriots. It was, notwithstanding, most industriously circulated from the castle, both in print and otherwise, that the majority of the House of Commons of Ireland was a Popish and facobite party, that was endeavouring to destroy the royal prerogatives, in order to pave the way to his majesty's expulsion from the throne and such undoubtedly were they represented to the him rest a moment. However for the present to rid himself of importunities, he promised the primate, that upon his return to England, which he wished for with the utmost impatience, he would do every thing he could desire. The Duke of Dorset soon after this, under the protection of the guards and of a mob hired and made drunk for the purpose, by a man who was amply rewarded for that service by a pension on the public establishment, made his escape out of that kingdom. The primate, who was continued in the government, employed every expedient of menaces and promises to break the party. Threats could not terrify those, who had so bold an example set before them by their leaders, and who were secure of the protection of the people. Rewards would not seduce those, who foresaw the downfall of the primate, and were made to expect much greater, and more permanent rewards from the exaltation of the patriots, which they now looked upon as certain. But what principally kept men steady, was the disgrace of becoming apostates from those principles, which they had before considered with a kind of religious reverence. king and the ministry in England. Under these circumstances, the Earl of Kildare presented with his own hand a most spirited memorial to the king, in which, after referring to the hereditary loyalty of his family from the days of Henry II. he assured his majesty, that he was the rather induced to lay that memorial at his feet, as it was on good presumption surmised, that all access to his royal ear was shut up, and his liege subjects debarred the liberty of complaining: that as no notice had been taken of several remonstrances lately made by his majesty's liege subjects, it was humbly presumed, that such remonstrances had been stopped and debarred in their progress to the royal ear: that he ventured on that bold step at the request of thousands that in general the face of his loyal kingdom of Ireland wore discontent: a discontent not coloured from caprice or faction, but purely founded on ministerial misapplication. This strong, though necessary measure of the Earl of Kildare gave great offence and some alarm to the British cabinet, though they affected to treat it as an act of folly and temerity, which nothing but the extreme mildness of government would permit to pass unpunished.† * Vide the memorial in the Appendix, No. LVIII. This appears from a letter written by the Earl of Holderness to the Chancellor of Ireland. MY GOOD LORD CHANCELLOR, I AM not a little concerned that the noble Earl of Kildare should take so bold a step as he may repent hereafter, and do assure you that I think he has not shewn himself a person of discretion, be the act never so popular. He was but ill received, and very coolly dismissed, as indeed the presumption well merited; for why should his majesty receive any remonstrances concerning his kingdom or government, but from the proper ministers, or through the usual channel, viz. both houses in parliament. I desire my compliments may attend his grace the Lord Primate, and wish him success in all laudable endeavours for poor Ireland. I am Your excellency's most obedient servant, Another letter upon the same subject came to light about the same time, written by the Duke of Dorset to Primate Stone, viz. Touching the Earl of Kildare's memorial presented to the king my master, it has neither served him, nor injured us. It is looked upon, as it justly deserves to be, an act of presumption, and a step of faction. In a less mild administration and under a reign less merciful, it would have proved an act full of danger. If the subjects of Ireland were discontented with the measures of govern ment, was not the privy council open to receive the complaints? were not your excellencies accessible to complaints of grievances? but for one man, because the first peer of the realm, to take the kingdom's distresses on his shoulders, and like another Hercules, to put his shoulders to the government, in which he had neither place nor concern, was sure unworthy of his prudence, if he had any. I am not for hot water, my design is pacific, and tending to the public good. I am The distressed and embarrassed situation of his country roused the patriot attention of that illustrious nobleman, who truly reflected honour on nobility: his intrepidity suggested the resolution of awakening the guardian care of the father of his country, by becoming a personal advocate for his peple, pointing out their grievances, and the source of them, and opening again the channel of communication, after its natural current had been obstructed, on which the very life and being of public happiness essentially depend. If it were without a precedent, so was the occasion, that made it necessary. The good of his country was at once its motive and its justification; and the rage and violence it excited evinced how great and unexpected a shock it was to the English interest. It did not however lose its effect upon the king. The popular clamour became so loud, that government was terrified into measures, to which every man will apply a quality according to his own political conceptions. The speaker of the House of Commons was promoted to the dignity of an earl*: and several other patriots accepted of Viz. Of Shannon: he had also a pension of 2000l. per ann. for 31 years. There was much intrigue in bringing about these changes in Ireland. The Primate was over-reached by his own insincerity and ambition. He had promised the same appointments to several with the intent of disappointing each. He entered into a close connection with the Earl of Besborough, who had long wished, but had been baffled by the patriots, in setting up an independent interest in the commons: his particular view was to place his son Mr. Ponsonby, in the chair. In this union of the Primate with the Earl of Besborough, the principles of each were, that the earl thinking the primate to be more attentive to power than to riches, fed himself with the hopes of drawing the profits to himself; the primate, inordinately ambitious, made no doubt of governing the youthful speaker, and so bringing the whole power of the state into his own hands. Desparing of the speaker's removal, the Primate endeavoured to force him to a resignation by rendering his situation uneasy: this also failed, and made him rally his friends in his own support, which raised him above the efforts of his enemies to displace him. The speaker in fact was a deeper politician than the primate. The simplicity and unaffected ease of his address and a natural politeness of manner rendered him amiable even to his opponents. In appearance he was most open, in reality most reserved: he had the art of extracting the secrets of others, and of preserving his own without any shew of art or constraint. He had been raised to the chair and supported in it by the people, at least without the assistance, if not in opposition to the government. He had shewn much firmness in resisting attacks upon him in carrying matters through the house, and had the uncommon address of preserving his popularity even in supporting unpopular acts. The English cabinet alarmed at the disturbances in Ireland resolved to sacrifice the Duke of Dorset to their fears; and his succesor, Lord Harrington, was appointed through the means Mr. Fox (afterwards Lord Holland) then secretary of state, who was known to be in the closest union with the Earl of Kildare. The sagacity and experience of the Earl of Besborough led him to foresee the approaching downfall of the primate, and to avail himself of the advantages of his situation whilst he could keep it: so that to the very close of this prelate's career of power, all the new appointments were made with their joint assent. Nothing could be more favourable to the political views of this earl, than the appointment of the new lord lieutenant; through him he hoped to reconcile himself to the patriots, whom he had greatly offended by his coalition with the primate; and through them he lucrative employments. Primate Stone, who had been the chief fomenter of the late disturbances, was by his majesty's command strucken off the list of privy counsellors, and most of those, who, by his intrigues had been displaced for voting for the money bill, were reinstated with honour. The Marquis of expected to place his son in the chair of the House of Commons. Before the new lord lieutenant had arrived in Ireland, a secret treaty was entered into between him and the two leading patriots (Mr. Malone and the speaker) through the Earl of Kildare: and to this treaty the Earl of Besborough was not only admitted but consenting. The new lord lieutenant immediately upon his arrival expressed the most gracious favour to all those, who had most violently opposed his predecessor: and the conduct of the whole administration appeared for some time mysterious. The patriots talked loudly of impeachments and expulsions; and the primate, whose chief supporters were placemen and pensioners, found himself necessitated to adopt all the measures of the lord lieutenant, which he did with more zeal, than some thought either necessary or prudent. Each party for obvious reasons appeared fearful of opposition. The primate was intimidated out of the violent measures, which his imperious and vindictive nature prompted him to: and the patriots naturally held back, till their new arrangements were announced. Besides the promotion of Mr. Boyle to the Earldom of Shannon, Mr. Ponsonby was elected speaker without opposition; Mr. Malone was to succeed Mr. Boyle in the chancellorship of the exchequer; Mr. Carter having been induced to accept of the secretaryship; but the outcry of the people against him, and particularly of his own connections, forced him to decline it. This however turned to his advantage, for Mr. Boyle (then Earl of Shannon) continued in the office, and Mr. Malone received the profits. This did not restore Mr. Malone to the favour of the people, though it suspended their resentment against him. Mr. Stannard, a man in high favour with the people, had been induced to undergo the odium of succeeding Mr. Malone as prime serjeant, by being told that his majesty had himself nominated him to that office, and had begged that he would accept of it to oblige bim. It was now too late in the session to form a party to make head against the united force of so many chiefs; yet many symptoms appeared of growing discontents: some sharp things were thrown out against the lord lieutenant; alarmed at the symptoms of a rising storm, he resolved to leave no time for mischief, and abruptly put an end to the session at the moment it was expected, that the commons were about to pass a resolution to vindicate the honour of the nation. The patriots had the support of the whole body of the Presbyterians, from their natural antipathy to prelacy, not only in order to oppose the influence of the primate, but also to crush the unnatural ascendancy of an English interest in Ireland. And such of the Catholics as took an active concern in the politics of the day sided also with them through the influence of Mr. Malone, who was the most respected and most entrusted by their body of any person in that kingdom. He moderated their councils, and had publicly supported their interest, whenever occasion required it. This species of coalition between the Dissenters and the Roman Catholics gave unusual alarm to the primate: in it he fully read the future triumph of the Irish over the English interest, by the union of the Irish people amongst themselves: and the Duke of Devonshire, whose enlarged principles had overlooked the stinted monopoly of English power in Ireland, kept up so systematically by his predecessor, in his farewell speech to the parliament, no longer confined his recommendations to an union, between Irish Protestants against the common enemy; but he (5 Com. Fourn. p. 409.) encouraged harmony and union amongst all his majesty's faithful subjects. The laudable views of the new changes and coalition were to engage the natural influence of Ireland in the cause of fair civil liberty upon true constitutional grounds. VOL. II. Hartington, afterwards Duke of Devonshire, went over as lord lieutenant upon his return to England in 1756, Lord, Chancellor Jocelyn and the Earls of Kildare and Besborough were appointed lords justices. Much of the popular ferment now subsided, and the kingdom once more resumed the appearance of tranquillity. Loud as was the cry of patriotism, firm as was the stand made by the patriots of 1753 against the encroachments of an English interest, and strengthened as were supposed to be the constitutional principles of civil liberty by the late appointments, yet lamentable is it to reflect, that when the boasted purity of these very patriots was called into action by some of the few sincere supporters of the party, the majority of them became as recreant from the cause of civil freedom and legislative independence as the most venal prostitute to systematic corruption. On the 17th of March, 1756, the House of Commons according to order resolved itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the heads of a most wholesome bill to secure the freedom of parliament, by vacating the seats of such members of the House of Commons, as should accept of any pension or civil office of profit from the crown and after some time spent therein, upon the report of progress, and motion for leave to sit again on the next day, the house divided, 59 for the bill, and 85 against it. This was a fatal warning to the Irish nation, against the lubricity of their representatives, whenever their private interest could interfere with the national welfare and prosperity. The loss of this truly patriotic question too closely bears upon the general system of governing that kingdom, not to enter more fully into the detail of that transaction in order to illustrate to the Irish nation the advantages, which the Union must necessarily bring with it, by abolishing that power, which had on so many occasions sacrificed the rights, welfare, and happiness of the Irish nation to private lucre or British influence. The patriots however rallied once more successfully upon a most important question, namely, whether the great representative body of the nation should be deprived of access to the throne by any ministerial influence, through which channel the * 3 Journ. Com. p. 38. On the day of this debate a list of the pensions granted upon the civil establishment of Ireland was according to order given in to the house: it amounted to 44,3937. 15s. and is to be seen in the Appendix to that volume of the Journals CCXCVI. In this list of pensioners are to be read many of the first names of Ireland, many foreigners, few or no meritorious servants of the public; the Countess of Yarmouth stood upon it for 4000/. Mr. Bellingham Boyle had been added to it within twelve months for 8004. during pleasure, and the Earl of Shannon closed it for 2000. The constitution, by lodging the source of remuneration in the crown, evidently did it for the wise purpose of encouraging zeal and industry for the public service: and the consideration of the royal favour and grace should always form a distinct column in the official schedules of such grants. |
