ignorant, that in some parts of the Indies, actions have been seen worthy of reprehension, indeed contrary both to piety and reason; but in what just and holy undertaking, has it not been necessary to pass by some inconveniences *." Thus, according to these writers, truth cannot be adhered to, at all times; piety and reason must be counteracted; and the necessity or importance of the end, render the means, be they what they may, justifiable! For my own part, I will not defend this reasoning. "Truth is a sweet thing," said some of the ancients: and every good man is of the same sentiment; " Explica atque excute intelligentiam tuam, ut videas, quæ sit in ea species, forma, & notio viri boni. Cadit ergo in virum bonum mentiri emolumenti sui causâ, criminari præripere, fallere? Nihil profecto minùs. Est ergo ulla res tanti, aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni & splendorem, & nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quæ dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem justitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se quis conferat in belluam, an in hominis figura immanitatem gerat belluæ." i. e. Revolve and carefully examine your understanding, in order to see what notion, idea, or representation of a good man you find there. Is it consistent with the character of such a person to lie for his own advantage; to calumniate, supplant and cheat? Certainly, by no means. Is there any thing then so valuable, or any profit so desirable, as to make amends for the loss of honour and reputation in a man of probity? Can that, which we call profit, if it robs us of honour, justice, and the character of a good man, give us any thing so valuable in their stead? For where, pray, is the difference whether one be actually transformed from a man into a brute; or, under the external figure of a man, carry with him all the ferocity of the brute?-I will add no more on this subject, after I have observed, that some persons will be apt to make allowances for the craft, dissimulation and hypocrisy

turn. The self-denying ordinance" which

of Cromwell, from the times in which he lived, and the persons he had to deal with: times of trouble, confusion and difficulty, and persons who, for the most part, were as little slaves to their words as himself. James I. Charles I. Charles II. and Moncke, to say nothing of a variety of others, acted the same part (but with less art, and worse grace) as he, though their praises have been high sounded by such as have loaded Cromwell with obloquy.

21

The self-denying ordinance, &c.] This ordinance was a thing so specious and popular, and, at the same time, so mischievous and hurtful to the affairs of the parliament, that it deserves a very particular remembrance. It did more for Cromwell than he could almost have formed a wish for; namely, the depriving his enemies of all command, whilst he himself, by a very particular fortune, obtained the highest power. In a word, it ruined them, and advanced him. After the army under lord Essex had been in a manner ruined by the king, the general began to lose much of the esteem and reputation he had till then possessed. He was by many looked on with a jealous eye, and they were fearful he and his adherents were disposed to make terms with the king, which might be prejudicial to many who had engaged with them. In short, Essex and his party were accused by their enemies of neglecting, by vigorous operations, to put an end to the war, and of being inclined too much to his majesty." There were some," says Whitlock, "who had designs against Essex, and were desirous to remove him from his command, because they were jealous, that he was too much inclined to peace, and favouring of the king and his party. I think, I knew as much of his mind as others did, and always observed him to wish for peace, yet not upon any dishonourable or unjust terms. He was a lover of monarchy and nobility, which he suspected some designed to destroy, together with gentry, ministry and magistracy, which humour then began to boil up; but he resolved to support them, and wanted not advice to that

passed the house of lords, April 5, 1645, en

end."-Ludlow, who was engaged in the opposition to Essex, will explain something more of this matter." The enemy, contrary to all expectation, appeared again in a body near Newbury, where our army lay, who drew out to oppose them. Some small skirmishes happened between them, but a general engagement was opposed in a council of war by some of the greatest among us: whereupon the king, in the face of our army, twice as numerous as his, had time to send his artillery from Dennington-Castle towards Oxford, without any opposition, to the astonishment of all those who wished well to the public. But, by this time, it was clearly manifest, that the nobility had no further quarrel with the king, than 'till they could make their terms with him, having, for the most part, grounded their dissatisfactions upon some particular affront, or the prevalency of a faction about him. But though it should be granted, that their intentions in taking arms were to oblige the king to consent to redress the grievances of the nation, yet, if a war of this nature must be determined by treaty, and the king left in the exercise of the royal authority, after the utmost violation of the laws, and the greatest calamities brought upon the people, it doth not appear to me what security can be given to them for the future enjoyment of their rights and privileges; nor with what prudence wise men can engage with the parliament, who being, by practice at least, liable to be dissolved at pleasure, are thereby rendered unable to protect themselves, or such as take up arms under their authority, if, after infinite hardships and hazards of their lives and estates, they must fall under the power of a provoked enemy, who, being once re-established in his former authority, will never want means to revenge himself upon all those, who, in defence of the rights and liberties of the nation, adventure to resist him in his illegal and arbitrary proceedings b."Such were the principles which disposed

..... Whitlock's Memorials, p. 108.

• Ludlow, vol. I. p. 132.

acting, That no member of either house, during

many at that time to wish for an alteration of men and measures; or, to speak more plainly, to put it effectually out of the power of those, who wanted not inclination, to conclude a peace with the king, on terms which might leave him in possession of the regal power. But to go on.-" On the ninth of December, one thousand six hundred and forty-four, the house of commons having resolved themselves into a grand committee, to consider of the sad condition of the kingdom, by the continuance of the war, there was a general silence for a good space of time; many looking upon one another, to see who would break the ice, and speak first in so tender and sharp a point: amongst whom Oliver Cromwell stood up, and spake, briefly, to this effect: That it was now a time to speak, or for ever to hold the tongue, the important occasion being no less than to save a nation out of a bleeding, nay, almost dying, condition, which the long continuance of the war had already brought it into; so that without a more speedy, vigorous, and effectual prosecution of the war, casting off all lingering proceedings, like soldiers of fortune beyond sea, to spin out a war, we shall make the kingdom weary of us, and hate the name of a parliament: for what do the enemy say? nay, what do many say, that were friends at the beginning of the parliament? even this, That the members of both houses have got great places and commands, and the sword into their hands; and what by interest in parliament, and what by power in the army, will perpetually continue themselves in grandeur, and not permit the war speedily to end, lest their own power should determine with it. This I speak here to our own faces; it is but what others do utter abroad behind our backs. I am far from reflecting on any; I know the worth of those commanders, members of both houses, who are yet in power; but if I may speak my conscience, without reflection upon any, I do conceive, if the army be not put into another method, and the war more vigorously prosecuted, the people can bear the war no longer, and will

the war, should execute or enjoy any military

enforce you to a dishonourable peace: but this I would recommend to your prudence, not to insist upon any complaint or oversight of any commander in chief, upon any occasion whatsoever; for, as I must acknowledge myself guilty of oversights, so I know they can be rarely avoided in military affairs: therefore, waving a strict inquiry into the causes of these things, let us apply ourselves to the remedy which is most necessary; and, I hope, we have such true English hearts, and zealous affections towards the general weal of our mother country, as no members of either house will scruple to deny themselves, and their own private interests, for the public good; nor account it to be a dishonour done to them, whatever the parliament shall resolve upon in this weighty matter *." _ What the consequence of this was will appear by the following vote in the journal of the day above-mentioned. "Resolved, &c. That, during the time of this war, no member of either house shall have, or execute, any office or command, military or civil, granted or conferred by both or either of the houses of parliament, or any authority derived from both or either of the houses: and that an ordinance be brought in accordingly." Mr. Solicitor [St. John], Mr. Recorder [Glyn], Mr. Crewe, Mr. Pierpoint, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Lisle, were appointed a committee to bring in an ordinance to the purport of this vote; and likewise for the continuing of such officers in their places as are no members of either house, until the houses take further order; and to bring in such clauses, as they shall think fit, for the perfecting of this vote. In the journal of the 11th of December, we find it "resolved, &c. That a fast shall be appointed for this house to observe on Wednesday next, to humble themselves for their particular and parliamentary sins and failings, whereby they may hope to obtain God's blessing in a better measure upon their endeavours for the future." On the next

• Parliamentary History, vol. XIII. p. 375.