P. 240. 1. 20. it is most certain, that, in that very hour when he was thus wickedly murdered in the sight of the sun, he had as great a share in the hearts and affections of his subjects in general.] It is true, that he had this share when he was murdered. But it was the having no share at all (by his long misgovernment) when the trouble began, which enabled his murderers to do their business. It was his long misgovernment that estranged the hearts of the people from him; and it was the severity of his sufferings that brought them back to him: which is always the treatment of the people both to private and public charac

ters.

P. 240. 1. 26. To conclude, he was the worthiest gentleman, the best master, the best friend, the best husband, the best father, and the best Christian, that the age in which he lived produced. And if he were not the greatest king, if he were without some parts and qualities which have made some kings great and happy, no other prince was ever unhappy who was possessed of half his virtues and endowments, and so much without any kind of vice.] The historian very judiciously omits, " and the best monarch or governor." What he adds, that no prince was ever unhappy who had half his virtues, is, I believe, very true. For it would be hard to find any prince besides him who aimed at arbitrary power with an intention to make his people happy, which he certainly had, as far as his superstition permitted that intention to operate. Whereas most other princes aim at arbitrary power merely to gratify some impotent passion. But a prince with Charles's virtues had no such passions to gratify.

P. 241. 1. 17. nature.] i. e. human nature.

P. 244. 1. 30. In a word, the confusion they had at that time observed to be in that church, &c.] The difficulty or impossibility of finding the place, if the body were there, is an idle story. The king, who had received a large sum from his parliament for the solemnity of a public reinterment, contented himself with a very superficial search, and pocketed the money.

P. 246. 1. 15. However, they declared, that the peers should have the privilege to be elected knights, or burgesses, &c.] Many more would have sat, and with reason, had they thought the new government stable.

P. 249. 1. 24. In this manner did the neighbour princes join to assist Cromwell with very great sums of money, &c.] It is something singular, that neither on this or any other occasion the historian should ever mention the king's virtuoso character, that was so very eminent. He had not taste for it himself, and thinking it beneath a great king, he buries the knowledge of it in silence.

use.

P. 254. 1. 9. He urged the declaration which Fairfax the general had made to him.] Whitlock, speaking of this affair, says, The general, and Ireton, and Whaley, and Berkstead, delivering in their testimony, it appeared, That lord Capel was to have fair quarter for his life, which was explained to be freedom from any execution of the sword, but not any protection from the judicial proceedings of a civil court. But of this learning I hope none of this nation will have use hereafter. Mem. p. 381. Now admit the prisoners at Colchester to be rebels, and this learning may be fairly brought in The military has no authority to consider bodies of men in arms against them, in any other light than as enemies simply, which when broken and overcome, the conquerors acquire the right of life and death over them. And quarter remits that right, so that their life cannot be taken by a court martial. The civil laws have still their right unimpeached, if these enemies are found to be rebels, which may call them to account after quarter given by the military. Whether these lords were rebels, in the sense of the laws of the state, was a question worthy of discussion. That Lisle, and Lucas, who suffered by a court martial after quarter given, were murdered against all law and justice, is

certain.

P. 269. 1. 5. which without doubt was as great a passion of sorrow as she was able to sustain.] Ironice.

P. 269. 1. 8. in the mean time, desired him not to swear any persons to be of his council, till she could speak with him. Whether it was, that she did not think those persons to be enough at her devotion; or that she would have them receive that honour upon her recommendation.] She wants to govern him as she had done his father.

P. 269. 1. 17. and he resolved to perform all filial respect towards the queen his mother, without such a condescension and resignation of himself, as she expected.] This was almost the only good resolution that Charles II. adhered to.

P. 273. 1. ult. The delivery of the king's person into the hands of the parliament at Newcastle had been, in the instant it was done, the most unpopular and ungracious act to the whole nation of Scotland.] It is certain, that neither the Scots nor the English nation were answerable for the infamy, the one of selling, and the other of murdering their king. Yet the presbyterian faction, the majority in both nations, had drove him to those extremities, which forced him into the hands of his destroyers.

P. 284. 1. 27. He was then a man of eclat.] Card. de Retz, who at this time saw Montrose in Paris, was so struck with his port and appearance, that, in his Memoirs, he says the marquis put him in mind of those ancient heroes, that we meet with only in the relations of Plutarch.

P. 285. 1. 4. And her graces were still more towards those who were like to do services, than to those who had done them.] In this she was but like all other princes; so that amongst her many ill qualities, this ought to go for nothing.

P. 286. 1. 7. and prefer him before any other of that nation in his esteem.] In this unquestionably the chancellor judged right. The body of those Scotchmen, who pretended to be disposed to serve the king, expected much for the little they were resolved to do. They were self-interested and bigotted. Montrose, inflamed with the love of glory, had nothing to ask for himself, or the public, but the king's countenance to restore his master to his just rights, despising those who bartered, and hating those who conditioned with their sovereign.

P. 292. 1. 22. She had likewise had long acquaintance

and friendship with one of the council.] The noble historian himself.

P. 296. 1. 8. and yet I dare say nothing of this to him, either against the covenant, &c.] Yet this earl Lauderdale was afterwards the greatest persecutor of the covenant and covenanters that ever was; and being at the same time the most corrupt tool of arbitrary power, it shews that conscience had never any thing to do with his lordship's determinations.

P. 312. 1. 5. He knew he was not in the queen's favour at all.] This was the greatest as well as the most deserved compliment he could pay to himself.

P. 329. 1.16. Though her majesty could not justly dislike any resolution the king had taken, nor could imagine whither he should go but into Ireland, she was exceedingly displeased that any resolution at all had been taken before she was consulted.] The purpose of the noble historian here, was to shew the reader, that the queen's ambition to govern her son was for the sake of governing: for here she is represented as displeased, not with the resolution taken, for this she approved of, but for its having been taken without her leave.

P. 352. 1. 19. the lord Jermyn; who, in those straits the king was in, and the great plenty he himself enjoyed.] He was kept by the queen.

P. 363. 1. 2. And it was plain enough, that they heartily wished that they had not come, &c.) This is a fine compliment, and I believe a deserved one, to the ancient Spanish honour.

P. 401. 1. 3. and, no doubt, that consideration which made most impression upon the king, as it had done upon his father, and terrified him, &c.] Whatsoever the father's were, the son's adherence to episcopacy was entirely on political considerations.

P. 401. 1. 11. but thought it the best expedient to advance her own religion.] This certainly was in her wishes and endeavours: for the more freedom she took with her virtue, the more need she had to make reparation to her religion.

P. 402. 1. penult. which made it manifest enough, that the kings of the earth, &c.] On the principles of the noble author, who supposed the people made for kings, and not kings for the people, this reproof is just; but on the contrary principle, these kings of the earth acted justly, since their people were not to be brought into a national quarrel for the sake of a personal injury.

P. 405. 1. 15. that the enjoying the empty title of king, in what obscurity soever, in any part of the world, was to be preferred before the empty name of king in any of his own dominions.] Because the empty name of king abroad impeached no claim or right to any of the prerogatives of monarchy; but the being contented with that empty name, within his own dominions, implied a kind of cession of those rights.

P. 436. 1. 16. imaginations.] for suppositions. P.438. 1.18. and reprehended him very sharply if he smiled on those days.] This mad zeal, which in a common degree would have been most irksome and mortifying to the tempers of these two licentious young men, (the king and duke of Bucks,) was carried by those hypocritic wretches to such ridiculous and burlesque excesses, that they repaid those two young men, for what they suffered by fasts and long sermons, with mirth and laughter without end, when retired in secret.

P. 455. 1. 15. But the Scots did not intend to part with them so easily.] Cromwell could not draw the Scottish army from their advantageous post. He knew that the army was entirely governed by their Mar John's. He therefore used this stratagem to provoke them. He entered into an epistolary dispute with them, in which he so heartily abused them, and advanced independency so high, that they were impatient to attack him, and so brought the army down upon him at Dunbar; which was the very thing Cromwell

wanted.

P. 466. 1. 24. He raised by his own virtue, &c.] By virtue is here meant his great natural parts, as appears by what follows.